As usual, the limits of selective empathy, the rush to blame Muslims, and the exploitation of fear all instantly emerge
By Glenn Greenwald
April 16, 2013 "Information Clearing House" -"The Guardian" - There's not much to say about Monday's Boston Marathon attack because there is virtually no known evidence regarding who did it or why. There are, however, several points to be made about some of the widespread reactions to this incident. Much of that reaction is all-too-familiar and quite revealing in important ways:
(1) The
widespread compassion for yesterday's victims and the
intense anger over the attacks was obviously authentic and
thus good to witness. But it was really hard not to find
oneself wishing that just a fraction of that compassion and
anger be devoted to attacks that the US perpetrates rather
than suffers. These are exactly the kinds of horrific,
civilian-slaughtering attacks that the US has been
bringing to countries in the Muslim world over and over
and over again
for the last decade, with very little attention paid. My
Guardian colleague Gary Younge put this best on Twitter this
morning:
Juan
Cole this morning
makes a similar point about violence elsewhere. Indeed,
just yesterday in Iraq, at least 42 people were killed and
more than 250 injured by
a series of car bombs, the enduring result of the US
invasion and destruction of that country. Somehow the deep
compassion and anger felt in the US when it is attacked
never translates to understanding the effects of our own
aggression against others.
One
particularly illustrative example I happened to see
yesterday was
a re-tweet from Washington Examiner columnist David Freddoso,
proclaiming:
Idea of secondary bombs designed to kill the first responders is just sick. How does anyone become that evil?"
I don't disagree with that sentiment. But I'd bet a good amount of money that the person saying it - and the vast majority of other Americans - have no clue that targeting rescuers with "double-tap" attacks is precisely what the US now does with its drone program and other forms of militarism. If most Americans knew their government and military were doing this, would they react the same way as they did to yesterday's Boston attack: "Idea of secondary bombs designed to kill the first responders is just sick. How does anyone become that evil?" That's highly doubtful, and that's the point.
There's nothing wrong per se with paying more attention to
tragedy and violence that happens relatively nearby and in
familiar places. Whether wrong or not, it's probably human
nature, or at least human instinct, to do that, and that
happens all over the world. I'm not criticizing that. But
one wishes that the empathy for victims and outrage over the
ending of innocent human life that instantly arises when the
US is targeted by this sort of violence would at least
translate into similar concern when the US is perpetrating
it, as it so often does (far, far more often than it is
targeted by such violence).
Regardless of your views of justification and intent:
whatever rage you're feeling toward the perpetrator of this
Boston attack, that's the rage in sustained form that people
across the world feel toward the US for killing innocent
people in their countries. Whatever sadness you feel for
yesterday's victims, the same level of sadness is warranted
for the innocent people whose lives are ended by American
bombs. However profound a loss you recognize the parents and
family members of these victims to have suffered, that's the
same loss experienced by victims of US violence. It's
natural that it won't be felt as intensely when the victims
are far away and mostly invisible, but applying these
reactions to those acts of US aggression would go a long way
toward better understanding what they are and the outcomes
they generate.
(2) The rush,
one might say the eagerness, to conclude that the attackers
were Muslim was palpable and unseemly, even without any real
evidence. The New York Post
quickly claimed that the prime suspect was a Saudi
national (while also inaccurately reporting that 12 people
had been confirmed dead). The Post's insinuation of
responsibility was also
suggested on CNN by Former Bush Homeland Security
Adviser Fran Townsend ("We know that there is one Saudi
national who was wounded in the leg who is being spoken
to"). Former Democratic Rep. Jane Harman
went on CNN to
grossly speculate that Muslim groups were behind the
attack. Anti-Muslim bigots like Pam Geller
predictably announced that this was "Jihad in America".
Expressions of hatred for Muslims, and a desire to do
violence, were then
spewing forth all over Twitter (some
particularly unscrupulous partisan Democrat types were
identically suggesting with zero evidence that the
attackers were right-wing extremists).
Obviously, it's possible that the perpetrator(s) will turn
out to be Muslim, just like it's possible they will turn out
to be extremist right-wing activists, or left-wing
agitators, or Muslim-fearing Anders-Breivik types, or lone
individuals driven by apolitical mental illness. But the
rush to proclaim the guilty party to be Muslim is seen in
particular over and over with such events. Recall that on
the day of the 2011 Oslo massacre by a right-wing,
Muslim-hating extremist, the New York Times spent virtually
the entire
day strongly suggesting in its headlines that an Islamic
extremist group was responsible, a claim
other major news outlets (including
the BBC and
Washington Post) then repeated as fact. The same thing
happened with the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, when
most major US media outlets strongly suggested that the
perpetrators were Muslims. As FAIR documented back then:
"In the wake of the explosion that destroyed the Murrah Federal Office Building, the media rushed — almost en masse — to the assumption that the bombing was the work of Muslim extremists. 'The betting here is on Middle East terrorists,' declared CBS News' Jim Stewart just hours after the blast (4/19/95). 'The fact that it was such a powerful bomb in Oklahoma City immediately drew investigators to consider deadly parallels that all have roots in the Middle East,' ABC's John McWethy proclaimed the same day."'It has every single earmark of the Islamic car-bombers of the Middle East,' wrote syndicated columnist Georgie Anne Geyer (Chicago Tribune, 4/21/95). 'Whatever we are doing to destroy Mideast terrorism, the chief terrorist threat against Americans, has not been working,' declared the New York Times' A.M. Rosenthal (4/21/95). The Geyer and Rosenthal columns were filed after the FBI released sketches of two suspects who looked more like Midwestern frat boys than mujahideen."
This
lesson is never learned because, it seems, many people don't
want to learn it. Even when it turns out not to have been
Muslims who perpetrated the attack but rather right-wing,
white Christians, the damage from this relentless and
reflexive blame-pinning endures.
(3) One
continually encountered yesterday expressions of dread and
fear from Arabs and Muslims around the world that the
attacker would be either or both. That's because they know
that all members of their religious or ethnic group will be
blamed, or worse, if that turns out to be the case. That's
true even though leading Muslim-American groups such as CAIR
harshly condemned the attack (as
they always do) and urged support for the victims,
including blood donations.
One tweeter, referencing the earthquake that hit Iran
this morning, satirized this collective mindset by writing:
"Please don't be a Muslim plate tectonic activity."
As
understandable as it is, that's just sad to witness. No
other group reacts with that level of fear to these kinds of
incidents, because no other group has similar cause to fear
that they will all be hated or targeted for the acts of
isolated, unrepresentative individuals. A similar dynamic
has long prevailed in the domestic crime context: when the
perpetrators of notorious crimes turned out to be
African-American, the entire community usually paid a
collective price. But the unique and well-grounded dread
that hundreds of millions of law-abiding, peaceful Muslims
and Arabs around the world have about the prospect that this
attack in Boston was perpetrated by a Muslim highlights the
climate of fear that has been created for and imposed on
them over the last decade.
(4) The
reaction to the Boston attack underscored,
yet
again, the utter meaninglessness of the word
"terrorism". News outlets were
seemingly scandalized that President Obama, in his
initial remarks, did not use the words "terrorist attack" to
describe the bombing. In response, the White House ran to
the media to assure them that they considered it
"terrorism". Fox News' Ed Henry
quoted a "senior administration official" as saying
this: "When multiple (explosive) devices go off that's an
act of terrorism."
Is
that what "terrorism" is? "When multiple (explosive) devices
go off"? If so, that encompasses a great many things,
including what the US does in the world on a very regular
basis. Of course, the quest to know whether this was
"terrorism" is really code for: "was this done by Muslims"?
That's because, in US political discourse, "terrorism"
has
no real meaning other than: violence perpetrated by
Muslims against the west. The reason there was such
confusion and uncertainty about whether this was "terrorism"
is because there is no clear and consistently applied
definition of the term. At this point, it's
little more than a term of emotionally manipulative
propaganda. That's been proven over and over, and it was
again yesterday.
(5) The
history of these types of attacks over the last decade has
been clear and consistent: they are exploited to obtain new
government powers, increase state surveillance, and take
away individual liberties. On NBC with Brian Williams last
night, Tom Brokaw
decreed that this will happen again and instructed us that
we must meekly submit it to it:
"Everyone has to understand tonight that, beginning tomorrow morning early, there are going to be much tougher security considerations all across the country, and however exhausted we may be by that, we're going to have to learn to live with them, and get along and go forward, and not let them bring us to our knees. You'll remember last summer, how unhappy we were with the security at the Democratic and Republic conventions. Now I don't think we can raise those complaints after what happened in Boston."
Last
night on Chris Hayes' MSNBC show, an FBI agent discussed the
fact that the US government has the right to arrest
terrorism suspects and not provide them with Miranda
warnings before questioning them. After seeing numerous
people express surprise at this claim on Twitter, I pointed
out that this happened when the Obama administration
exploited the attempted underwear bombing over Detroit
to radically reduce Miranda rights over what they had
been for decades. That's what the US government (aided by
the
sham "terrorism expert" industry) does in every single
one of these cases: exploits the resulting fear to increase
its own power and decrease everyone else's rights, including
privacy.
At the
Atlantic, security expert Bruce Schneier has a
short but compelling article on how urgent it is that we
not react to this Boston attack irrationally or with
exaggerated fear, and that we particularly remain vigilant
against government attempts to exploit fear to impose all
new rights-reducing measures. He notes in particular how the
more unusual an event is (such as this sort of attack on US
soil), the more our brains naturally exaggerate its
significance and frequency (John Cole makes
a similar point).
In
sum, even if the perpetrators of Monday's attack in Boston
turn out to be politically motivated and subscribers to an
anti-US ideology, it will still be a very rare event, one
that poses far less danger to Americans than literally
countless other threats. The most important lesson of the
excesses arising from the 9/11 attacks should be this one:
that the dangers of overreacting and succumbing to
irrational fear are far, far greater than any other dangers
posed by these type of events.
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