Once
again, it’s kicking off everywhere: from Turkey to Bosnia, Bulgaria and
Brazil, the endless struggle for real democracy resonates around the
globe.
What
do a park in Istanbul, a baby in Sarajevo, a security chief in Sofia, a
TV station in Athens and bus tickets in Sao Paulo have in common?
However random the sequence may seem at first, a common theme runs
through and connects all of them. Each reveals, in its own particular
way, the deepening crisis of representative democracy at the heart of
the modern nation state. And each has, as a result, given rise to
popular protests that have in turn sparked nationwide demonstrations,
occupations and confrontations between the people and the state.
In
Turkey, protesters have been taking to the streets and clashing with
riot police for over two weeks in response to government attempts to
tear down the trees and resurrect an old Ottoman-era barracks at the
location of Istanbul’s beloved Gezi Park. But, as I indicated in a lengthy analysis
of the protests, the violent police crackdown on #OccupyGezi was just
the spark that lit the prairie, allowing a wide range of grievances to
tumble in, ultimately exposing the crisis of representation at the heart
of Erdogan’s authoritarian neoliberal government.
Now,
protests over similar seemingly “trivial” local grievances are sparking
mass demonstrations elsewhere. In Brazil, small-scale protests against a
hike in transportation fees in Sao Paulo revealed the extreme brutality
of the police force, which violently assaulted protesters — even pepper
spraying a camera man, shooting a photographer in the eye with a rubber
bullet, and arresting those carrying vinegar to protect themselves from
the tear gas. After four nights of violent repression this week, the
protests now appear to be gaining momentum.
Fed
up with increasing inflation, crumbling infrastructure and stubbornly
high inequality and crime rates, many Brazilians are simply outraged
that the government is willing to invest billions into pharaonic
projects that do not only ignore the people’s plight but actively undermine it. The militarization and bulldozing of the poor favelas
and indigenous villages ahead of the 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympics
are a case in point. As usual, the ruling Workers’ Party seems more
concerned about pleasing capital than helping workers.
Meanwhile,
in Sarajevo, the inability of a family to obtain travel ID for their
sick baby — who needs urgent medical attention that she cannot receive
in Bosnia-Herzegovina — exposed the fundamental flaws at the heart of
the nominally democratic post-Yugoslavian state. On June 5, while the
government was busy negotiating with foreign bankers to attract new
investment, thousands of people occupied
parliament square, temporarily locking the nation’s politicians up
inside and forcing the prime minister to escape through a window.
While
competing ethnic fractions vie for political power, the Bosnian people
continue to suffer. By playing the race and religion cards, Bosnian
politicians hope to keep the people divided while retaining the
financial spoils of foreign investment and World Bank and EU development
loans for themselves. But in a sign that most ethnic divisions are politically rather than socially constructed, the Occupy Sarajevo protesters now have a simple message for their politicians: “you are all disgusting, no matter what ethnicity you belong to.”
On
Friday, Bulgaria joined the budding wave of struggles that began in
Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 and that was recently revived through the
Turkish uprising. After the appointment of media (and mafia) mogul
Delyan Peevski as head of the State Agency for National Security, tens of thousands
took to the streets of Sofia and other cities throughout the country to
protest his appointment, which was approved by parliament without any
debate and with a mere 15 minutes between his nomination and his
(pre-guaranteed) election.
Chanting
“Mafia” and calling upon Peevski to resign, the Bulgarians are warning
their politicians that a limit has been reached. Ever since the
transition from state communism to democratic capitalism empowered a
tiny minority of oligarchs to enrich themselves by feeding off the
state’s public possessions, Bulgaria has been effectively ruled by a
Mafia kleptocracy. As in any capitalist state, political and business
elites have become one, undermining the promise of democracy the
Bulgarians were made at the so-called End of History.
Greece,
in the meantime, finally appears to have been waken up from its
austerity-induced slumber. Following the decision of the Troika’s
neoliberal handmaiden, Antonis Samaras, to shut down the state’s public
broadcaster ERT overnight and to fire its 2,700 workers without any
warning whatsoever, the workers of ERT simply occupied
the TV and radio stations and continued to emit their programs through
livestreaming, making ERT the first worker-run public broadercaster in
Europe. ERT workers have since been joined by tens of thousands of
protesters and workers, who on Thursday held a nationwide general strike
to protest the ERT’s closure.
At
first sight, it may seem like these protests are all simply responses to
local grievances and should be read as such. But while each context has
its own specificities that must be taken into account, it would be
naive to discard the common themes uniting them. As my friend, colleague
and fellow ROAR contributor Leonidas Oikonomakis just pointed out in a
new opinion piece,
the Turkish uprising may have started over a couple of trees, but we
shouldn’t let that blind us to the forest: the obvious structural
dimension at play in this new wave of struggles.
If we take a closer look
at each of the protests, we find that they are not so local after all.
In fact, each of them in one way or another deals with the increasing
encroachment of financial interests and business power on traditional
democratic processes, and the profound crisis of representation that
this has wrought. Furthermore, the protests show a dawning awareness
that the divide-and-rule practices of the ruling class everywhere —
pitching the religious against the secular, Bosnians against Serbs,
blacks against indigenous against whites, poor against
slightly-less-poor, and ‘natives’ against immigrants — are just part of a
strategy to keep us from realizing our own power.
In a word, what we are witnessing is what Leonidas Oikonomakis and I have called the resonance of resistance:
social struggles in one place in the world transcending their local
boundaries and inspiring protesters elsewhere to take matters into their
own hands and defy their governments in order to bring about genuine
freedom, social justice and real democracy. The resonance of these
struggles across national, ethnic and religious boundaries tells us that
three decades of neoliberal peace since the End of History were not
really “peace” at all; they were merely the temporary victory of other
side in a hidden global class war.
Now
that has come to an end. A new Left has risen, inspired by a fresh
autonomous spirit that has long since cleansed itself of the stale
ideological legacies and collective self-delusions that animated the
political conflicts of the Cold War and beyond. One chant of the
protesters in Sao Paulo revealed it all: “Peace is over, Turkey is
here!” And so are Bulgaria, Bosnia and Greece — as well as Tunisia,
Egypt, Spain, Chile, Mexico, Québec and every other place in the world
where the people have risen up in the global struggle for real
democracy.
The ominous bottom-line
for those in power is simple: we are everywhere. And this global
occupation thing? It’s only just getting started.
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