Get ready to swab. Liberals warn that giving cops the power to take your DNA undermines civil liberties. Is a dangerous era of genetic testing upon us? It’s closer than you think.
If
there’s ever a time when Antonin Scalia really rises to the occasion,
it’s when he serves as the Supreme Court’s liberal conscience.
That’s
not the role that’s ordinarily expected of him, of course, but it’s a
role he does play from time to time. And he got to play it again
yesterday when the Court ruled in Maryland v. King
that police can require arrestees to submit to DNA sampling as part of
the booking process, with the results matched to a national database to
solve old cases. In a slashing dissent entertainingly written even by
Scalia-dissent standards, he joined liberal justices Ruth Bader
Ginsburg, Sonia Sotomayor, and Elena Kagan to accuse his conservative
colleagues of flunking Civil Liberties 101. (Justice Stephen Breyer,
ordinarily a liberal vote, was meanwhile crossing over to join the
conservative majority.)
Yesterday’s
case arose after police arrested Alonzo King for threatening several
people with a shotgun, and found his DNA matched that from an unsolved
2003 rape. King challenged the constitutionality of Maryland’s 2008 law
requiring arrestees to submit to DNA testing.
The
rapid advance of DNA matching technology, which can establish a speck
of tissue or bodily fluid as belonging to one and only one individual in
the world, has opened up a new era in police forensics, with detectives
regularly closing old cases and solving newly committed ones. Equally
exciting, the tests have cleared many innocent persons by establishing
others’ responsibility.
But
along with the good comes a new potential, warned against by civil
libertarians, for the authorities to use DNA access to track citizens
through life. Who was at the closed-door meeting of political
dissidents? Swab the discarded drinking cups for traces of saliva, match
it to a universal database, and there you’ve got your list of
attendees. Want to escape a bad start and begin life over in a different
community? Good luck with that once your origins are an open book to
officialdom.
In
his dissent, Scalia warns of such a “genetic panopticon.” (The
reference is to Jeremy Bentham’s idea of a prison laid out so that
inmates could be watched at every moment.) And it’s closer than you may
think. Already fingerprint requirements have multiplied, as the dissent
points out, “from convicted criminals, to arrestees, to civil servants,
to immigrants, to everyone with a driver’s license” in some states. DNA
sample requirements are now following a similar path, starting
reasonably enough with convicts before expanding, under laws passed by
more than half the states as well as Maryland, to arrestees. (“Nearly
one-third of Americans will be arrested for some offense by age 23.”)
Soon will come wider circles. How long before you’ll be asked to give a
DNA swab before you can board a plane, work as a lawn contractor, join
the football team at your high school, or drive?
With
the confidence that once characterized liberals of the Earl
Warren–William Brennan school, Scalia says we can’t make catching more
bad guys the be-all and end-all of criminal process:
It’s at this point, however, that things get complicated. What does
the Fourth Amendment forbid the royal inspectors—sorry, the cops—to do?
Above all, the dissent argues, it historically forbids searches
primarily aimed at finding evidence of crime where there’s no probable
cause that such evidence will be found.
But
the Fourth Amendment by its actual text bans only “unreasonable”
searches, a standard that seems to invite courts to adjust their
expectations to changing times, technologies, and mores. The Supreme
Court has repeatedly done just that, frequently pronouncing searches
reasonable when they are meant to accomplish aims other than gathering
evidence of unrelated crime. Booking searches of arrestees get their own
special, and police-friendly, set of rules. Although the Court has not
heard a challenge to fingerprinting of arrestees since the modern era in
search-and-seizure law began, it seems unlikely it would strike the
practice down. And Kennedy points out that compared with fingerprinting
(or mandatory drug testing, another widespread privacy invasion) DNA
swabs are obtained through a relatively quick and unintrusive procedure.
How long before you’ll be asked to give a DNA swab before you can board a plane, work as a lawn contractor, join the football team at your high school, or drive?
Which
leaves it as a pretty close case, really. As part of his theme of
embracing reasonableness, Kennedy’s opinion for the majority not only
stresses the huge crime-solving benefits of the new technology, but
includes soothing words about how the Court will resist the slippery
slope toward more and more searching: it won’t necessarily uphold
testing of those arrested for merely minor offenses, for example.
Kennedy also noted that the Maryland law provides for throwing away DNA
samples taken in arrests that do not result in conviction.
For
my part, I won’t be surprised if the new decision fuels new rounds of
legislation mandating unprecedented levels of personal search and data
collection. Maybe we won’t actually reach the point of cavity searches
for people who want to buy Sudafed. (Maybe.) But it seems if we're to
dodge some prospects like that we may need to count on the future
vigilance of the Court.
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